Educating for Europe: Perspectives of a European Agency for Civic Education
Looking at the trajectory of the European Union in the period of 2008 to 2022, it seems like looking at a history of crisis. A multitude of challenges such as the monetary crisis, migratory crisis as the rise of right-wing politics draws a gloomy picture for the prospects of the European project. However, do we know where we acquired our particular perspective on the matters?? This contribution will present arguments to emphasize the need for setting up a European Agency for Civic Education as a lesson for the future of the European project.
What is the European Union? A never-ending (hi-)story of change
“DETERMINED to lay the foundations of an ever-closer union among the peoples of Europe” (European Commission 25.03.1957) and “RESOLVED to continue the process of creating an ever closer union among the peoples of Europe, in which decisions are taken as closely as possible to the citizen in accordance with the principle of subsidiarity” (Eur-Lex 26.10.2012).
Both quotes come from the founding treaties of the European Community, established in Rome in 1957 and later the European Union, established in Maastricht in 1992. Both quotes emphasise the open concept of the European Union as a dynamic ever-changing process. Likewise, these words underline that an ever-closer union requires a strong social foundation. However, what do you know about Europe? Where did you acquire your current knowledge about the European Union? How do you learn about the mechanism of European integration?
This contribution will discuss the perspectives of a European Agency for Civic Education. The first section will explain the principles of civic education, using the case of Germany after the war. Then the second section will show various perspectives on the European Union, arguing that a simple Europhile or Eurosceptic dimension does not suffice any longer. After that, the third section will present the empirical results of a survey conducted by the initiative French German-Voices of Youth. This contribution concludes with the idea that European Integration is a process built on lifelong steady learning by its European citizens.
Democratisation and the dimensions of civic education
“Democracy is the kind of societal way of life that does not produce by itself, but that has to be learned” (Negt 2002, S. 174). Probably, Germany had to learn this lesson the very hard way, as any act of education contains a certain dimension of politics. Therefore, education has to be confronted with its own circumstances delimiting its leeway (Mollenhauer 1972, 11f.). Consequently, after the end of the Second World War, especially Western Germany saw itself confronted with what educationist Blankertz considered an “Unpädagogik,” best described as the abrogation of the principles of education. Instead of emancipating people, the goal of the fascist ideology was to deprive people from their capacity to make their own reasoned judgments and decisions (Blankertz 1982, 272f.). After the collapse of this ideology, allied forces in the West, particularly the USA decided to reestablish democracy in Western Germany, what later was supposed to become the Federal Republic of Germany. Here, the allied forces reattached to the old institution of the Weimar Republic which already promoted democratization among the society, setting up an agency for civic education in 1952 (Siegfried Schiele 2004, 257ff.).
According to “München-Manifest,” here the Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung considers itself as impartial forum for democratic discourses. The goals are described as promoting democratisation, learning from the past while preparing citizens for the future in a highly complex and uncertain word (Landeszentrale für politische Bildung Baden-Würtemberg 1997). Today, agencies for civic education only exits as Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung in Germany, as Politische Bildung in Austria and Zentrum für Politische Bildung in Luxembourg.
Strangely, besides its tremendous societal task, civic education often faces tremendous challenges. On the one hand, civic education serves as fundamental to ensure the legitimacy of democracy in a democratic society. On the other hand, it has to provide legitimacy for its benefits on society in order to get funding (Görtler 2016, 1f.). Since early days, education as proclaimed by the enlightenment was highly associated with the principles of democratization. Every kind of political system, disregarding its democratic or authoritarian features, has to provide a certain kind of education, instilling certain norms and values to ensure legitimacy among its members (Hügli 2012, S. 156). Here authoritarian systems can rely on force and manipulation to enforce legitimacy, as certain members of the system proclaim themselves as fully educated. In contrast to that, in a democratic system nobody can proclaim such a status, speaking on behalf of the absolute truth. Consequently, democratic systems cannot enforce legitimacy, but have to rely upon the consensus of their members, willing to concede certain powers. Here, every member is both a learner and a teacher, contributing to the evolution of the democratic curriculum (ibid. p. 158ff.). A fixed curriculum does not exist, "[d]emocracy, one has to learn, autocracy is imposed on the person“ (Lewin 1951, S. 65). Nevertheless, democracy requires educated people who are able to cope with the plethora of information, opinions and ideas, asserting well-reasoned judgements and deliberately taking decisions.
The multitude of meanings of the European Idea
Despite historical predecessors considering a unified Europe, especially two founding fathers namely Altiero Spinelli and Jean Monnet, were decisive in the early years. Both approached the concept of an ever-closer union from two diverse ideas. On the one hand, Altiero Spinelli, who spent the war as a political prisoner on the island of Ventotene, pledged for setting up strong European Institutions first. On the other hand, Jean Monnet, preferred an approach of small steps of rapprochement, which eventually will create a sense of European solidarity among the member states (Burgess 2000, 33f.). The first president of the European Parliament Robert Schuman emphasised the concept, stating that: "Europe will not be made all at once, or according to a single plan. It will be built through concrete achievements which first create a de facto solidarity” (Schuman 1950). Consequently, an ever-evolving union was the preferred outcome
Since the heyday of European Integration, the hopes seem to have faded away in favour of scepticism, delusion and even open opposition and resistance toward the European dimension. According to the hypothesis of US-political scientist Roland Ingleheart people can not associate with the European project as it remains far, aloof and too complex for easy explanations. Conversely, if European citizens would understand the process of European Integration, they would perceive the European Institutions in a different light (Ingleheart 1970, S. 47). Building upon this, a survey among Dutch voters at the European elections revealed a diverse array of meanings European citizens associate with the European Union. Pragmatists consider the EU a means to an end, where member states can not solve certain issues on their own. At the centre stand the national states with pragmatists unwilling to concede too much sovereignty to the European level. Differently, federalists argue that the Union is more important than its member states. This group feels that member states are intentionally hampering the progress of European Integration. Moreover, the anti-establishment group accuses the European Union of exploiting the common people. This group considers the EU as a project of the elite, abusing a lack of clarity to exploit the common people. Eventually, the disengaged group does not care about Europe at all, as they consider the decisions taking place in the institutions as ‘too far away’ (van den Hoogen et al. 2022, 8-12).
What all of those different meanings have in common is a ground for discussion about the future prospects of the European, represented in the five options of carrying on, reducing Europe to the single market, creating a Europe of different speeds, focussing European competences on certain core activities or creating a much more federal union (European Commission 2017).
Potentials and perspectives for a European Agency for Civic Education
“If EU member states stop abiding by European values, the EU will face not only a crisis of legitimacy but an existential one. European values are both the basis for European cohesion, and for social cohesion within European societies. Without a common understanding of basic values, there will be no common ground for future cooperation among citizens nor governments” (Pornschlegel und Zels 2021, S. 20). Under the umbrella of a campaign called Values United, the European Policy Centre promotes the idea of a European Agency for Political Education. The goals are to build a bridge between the European Institutions and the European citizens, critically not just observing, but actively shaping the process of European Integration. Currently, the quality of civic education programmes still varies among the member states, this agency shall create a platform for exchange of national initiatives, meanwhile ensuring a certain common degree of political knowledge about the European Union (ibid. p.11ff.).
Figure 1 European Dimensions of Education (VFAJ/DFSJ 2021)
Dealing with the potential of such an agency, the project French-German Voices of the Youth [1](VFAJ/DFSJ)conducted a survey among 1600, mostly young citizens, in Germany and France in order to elaborate upon the future challenges and potential trajectories of the European project. The French Assemblée Nationale and the German Bundestag have supported this project. Looking at the results show that participants consider the European dimensions of education as still insufficiently discussed. This finding comes along the Eurydice report, proving that the amount and quality of civic education varies tremendously among member states (Eurydice 2017). In general, better civic education is associated with more political and societal commitment. (Zygierewicz 2021, S. 17). Meanwhile, after the end of fascism the modes of education served as a tool for democratisation, the European Union did not make full use of this window of opportunity for the new member states after the end of communism Here, instead of promoting the principles of democratisation, the focus of enlargement was primarily economical (Filla 2009, S. 16). After more than forty years of communism, it takes time for the member states to learn about being part of a democratic Europe.
Figure 2 Potentials of a European Agency for Civic Education (VFAJ/DFSJ 2021)
The results of Figure 2 indicate strong support for the idea of establishing a European Agency for Civic Education. This was reflected by the European Parliament in its report “Citizens’ dialogues and Citizens’ participation in the EU decision-making”, proposing: “to establish a European network for citizenship education to provide a platform for the exchange of best practices and knowledge regarding methods of enhancing the European dimension of citizenship education; stresses the need for new models and instruments of citizenship education such as the establishment of a European agency for citizenship education” (European Parliament 2021). There is a perspective for such an agency. Now it is about the European Institutions putting into practice those potentials for a better civic education.
Europe is in crisis a critical conclusion to learn
In the building of the European Parliament, there is a sculpture called “Confluence.” The bars strive in various directions, yet all of them are based on a common fundament. How stable is this fundament when confronted with simultaneous crises shaking the basis at the same time? Jean Monnet himself was well aware that European Integration would not evolve without crisis, confessing that: “I have always believed that Europe would be built through crises and that it would be the sum of their solutions’“ (cited after Burgess 2000, S. 34). Especially the first European elections after Brexit have shown that more people seem to care about the evolution of the European idea, with young people appearing as the most active voters.
Admittedly, education alone may not be the panacea for all the crises and challenges the European project is currently facing. Nevertheless, since the early days, education was meant to make sense of the past while preparing for the future. Here, a European Agency for Civic Education can help European citizens to understand the challenges and changes in European politics, meanwhile, such a platform can help the European Union to explain itself and its future purpose more clearly. Every crisis is a chance to learn. In 2022 the European Union offers a good deal of such chances, but only the future will tell whether Europe will use them wisely.
References
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